Its actions show the evolving nature of its non-interference policy. China is taking a more active role in security cooperation, driven by its increased stake in the success of the BRI. Examples of these issues are found in the three countries studied here: Belarus, Myanmar and Uzbekistan. They may also expose, and sometimes exacerbate, local institutional weaknesses.
As shown in this SIPRI Insights Paper, projects on the scale of those implemented within the BRI inevitably become part of existing local and cross-border security dynamics. It holds significant potential to contribute to greater connectivity and stability in participating states, yet there is a need to include a wider spectrum of local and international stakeholders in order to address concerns and mitigate backlashes. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the result of a convergence of multiple Chinese domestic drivers and external developments. It is this generation which must appreciate how the different political cultures of Europe and China affect relations today, but it also this generation that ought to understand the shared history between Europe and China and its role in shaping the challenging times we live in. It is also highly instructive for the new generation of diplomats. Presenting profound insights into the diplomatic paths that determined these historical transformations, this volume is not just useful for seasoned academics. These and other shifts in the European political landscape added a normative horizon to Europe’s diplomatic contacts with Beijing and opened the door to Beijing’s return to the broader family of nations, thanks to its participation to the United Nations since the 1970s. Later, the universalist impulses of and the emphasis on inclusiveness in Italian foreign policy found fertile ground in the ashes of the Cultural revolution. De Gaulle’s vision of French grandeur inaugurated Europe’s overture to Beijing in 1960s. As this volume demonstrates, Sino-European interaction and the resulting transformation of the Cold War order were the outcomes of Europe’s forward thinking diplomacy and Beijing’s genuine desire for independence on the international stage. Why? If the bipolar system of the 1960s and 1970s was marked by superpower détente, the parallel tentative emergence of a new order-an increasingly multipolar world-was grounded in the dialogue between middle powers: China and Europe. The “socialization” between China and the West in 1960s and 1970s, examined exhaustively in this volume, still weighs heavily on the international system today. The new data collected here is all the more valuable because the subject matter, Sino-European relations during the Cold War, is so fascinating, so timely, and so relevant. History could hardly be more international than how it is presented here. It combines translations of formerly secret documents from ten different countries, with the rich oral history testimonies of ambassadors and diplomats from nearly as many nations.
This arises from the volume’s unique composition. What is perhaps most interesting about this volume is that the wealth of information and perspectives contained herewith have not been publically accessible before. The dialogue that took place between former officials and the scholars in Palermo was unique, making this a milestone event in the discipline. It allows participants to go beyond and challenge individual recollections and to fill in the blank spots in the historical record.
For several days, participants engaged in what is known as “critical oral history.” Methodologically, critical oral history allows for substantive dialogue between foreign policy practitioners and scholars. The conference brought together veteran diplomats from Albania, China, Italy, Poland, Romania, and the United Kingdom, and paired them face-to-face with historians from around the world. This publication is the fruit of a one-of-a-kind conference, which took place in Palermo, Italy, in 2012.
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